Skip to main content Accessibility help

We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.

Close cookie message
×
Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-dk4vv Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-22T02:08:56.094Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
Series:   Elements in International Relations

Contestations of the Liberal International Order

A Populist Script of Regional Cooperation

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  31 May 2021

Fredrik Söderbaum ,
Kilian Spandler  and
Agnese Pacciardi
Fredrik Söderbaum
Affiliation:
University of Gothenburg
Kilian Spandler
Affiliation:
University of Gothenburg
Agnese Pacciardi
Affiliation:
Sant'Anna School of Advanced Studies

Summary

A seemingly never-ending stream of observers claims that the populist emphasis on nationalism, identity, and popular sovereignty undermines international collaboration and contributes to the crisis of the Liberal International Order (LIO). Why, then, do populist governments continue to engage in regional and international institutions? This Element unpacks the counter-intuitive inclination towards institutional cooperation in populist foreign policy and discusses its implications for the LIO. Straddling Western and non-Western contexts, it compares the regional cooperation strategies of populist leaders from three continents: Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, and Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte. The study identifies an emerging populist 'script' of regional cooperation based on notions of popular sovereignty. By embedding regional cooperation in their political strategies, populist leaders are able to contest the LIO and established international organisations without having to revert to unilateral nationalism.
Get access

Keywords

global governanceinternational organisationnationalismpopulismregional organisation
Type
Element
Information
Series: Elements in International Relations
Online ISBN: 9781009030915
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication: 23 September 2021

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

ABS-CBN News (2017). ANC Live: Duterte blasts UN, EU anew, dares envoys to leave PH ‘in 24 hrs’. Youtube, 12 October [Video]. Retrieved from www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y-jrWQSdOEAGoogle Scholar
ABS-CBN News (2019). Duterte: ASEAN needs to invest more on people. 23 June. Retrieved from https://news.abs-cbn.com/overseas/06/23/19/duterte-asean-needs-to-assert-role-at-evolving-regional-architecture.Google Scholar
About Hungary (2018). PM Orbán pledges to govern ‘a sovereign Hungarian state of free Hungarians’. 11 May. Retrieved from http://abouthungary.hu/news-in-brief/pm-orban-pledges-to-govern-a-sovereign-hungarian-state-of-free-hungarians/Google Scholar
Acharya, A. (2018). The End of American World Order, 2nd edn. Cambridge: Polity Press.Google Scholar
Adel, R. (2019). Duterte urges ASEAN anew: Redouble collective efforts vs drugs, other threats. PhilStar, 23 June. Retrieved from www.philstar.com/headlines/2019/06/23/1928887/duterte-urges-asean-anew-redouble-collective-efforts-vs-drugs-other-threatsGoogle Scholar
Agence France-Presse (2016). Obama, Duterte clash over brutal crime war. Rappler.com, 8 September. Retrieved from www.rappler.com/nation/145656-duterte-obama-clash-crime-drug-warGoogle Scholar
Alaniz, M. (2013). La política de Hugo Chávez y la prensa venezolana (2005–2006). Debates Urgentes, 2(3), 131–56.Google Scholar
ALBA (2008). Declaración de Solidaridad y Apoyo a la República de Bolivia. 23 April. Retrieved from www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/internacionales/2008-04-24/respalda-cumbre-del-alba-al-gobierno-constitucional-de-bolivia/Google Scholar
ALBA (2009). Declaración de la VII Cumbre del ALBA-TCP. 17 October. Retrieved from www.fidelcastro.cu/en/node/26655Google Scholar
Altmann-Borbón, J. (2019). ALBA before its greatest challenge: Survive. World Government Research Network, 2 November. Retrieved from https://2bf6d7da-e054-43b3-a9a8-7b2fd4133c39.filesusr.com/ugd/bdf8dc_79f1f9456e164e918c8050944468218d.pdfGoogle Scholar
Anderson, B. (1991). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, 2nd edn. London: Verso.Google Scholar
AP Archive (2015). Venezuela joins South America trade bloc [Video]. 21 July. Retrieved from www.youtube.com/watch?v=H-v087tdX3kGoogle Scholar
Arugay, A. A. (2018). When populists perform foreign policy: Duterte and the Asia-Pacific Regional Order. SWP Working Papers, 4. Retrieved from www.swp-berlin.org/fileadmin/contents/products/projekt_papiere/Arugay_BCAS_Philippines.pdfGoogle Scholar
Aslanidis, P. (2016). Is populism an ideology? A refutation and a new perspective. Political Studies, 64(IS), 88–104.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Barr, R. R. (2009). Populists, outsiders and anti-establishment politics. Party Politics, 15(1), 29–48.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bastenier, M. A. (2012) Caribbean Mercosur: Venezuela’s entry to the trade bloc highlights pivotal role Chavez plays in the region’s politics. El Pais, 9 August. Retrieved from https://english.elpais.com/elpais/2012/08/09/inenglish/1344515660_744168.htmlGoogle Scholar
Bauerová, H. (2018). Migration policy of the V4 in the context of migration crisis. Politics in Central Europe, 14(2), 99–120. https://doi.org/10.2478/pce-2018-0011CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Baviera, A. (2016). President Duterte’s foreign policy challenges. Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs, 38(2), 202–8.Google Scholar
Baviera, A. & Pante, M. D. (2019). Philippines-China relations, maritime disputes, and the broader environment. Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints, 67(1), 113–20.Google Scholar
Benford, R. D. & Snow, D. A. (2000). Framing processes and social movements: An overview and assessment. Annual Review of Sociology, 26, 611–39.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bilotta, N. (2018). The legacy of post-neoliberal integration in South America: The cases of ALBA and UNASUR. IAI papers, 2018 (20).Google Scholar
Bíró-Nagy, A. (2017). Illiberal democracy in Hungary: The social background and practical steps of building an illiberal state. In Morillas, P., ed., Illiberal Democracies in the EU: The Visegrad Group and the Risk of Disintegration. Barcelona: CIDOB, pp. 31–44.Google Scholar
Bonikowski, B. (2017). Ethno‐nationalist populism and the mobilization of collective resentment. British Journal of Sociology, 86(S1), 181–213. https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-4446.12325Google Scholar
Bonikowski, B., Halikiopoulou, D., Kaufmann, E., & Rooduijn, M. (2019). Populism and nationalism in a comparative perspective: A scholarly exchange. Journal of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, 25(1), 58–81. https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12480Google Scholar
Börzel, T. A. & Van Hüllen, V. (2015). Governance Transfer by Regional Organizations: Patching Together a Global Script. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Börzel, T. A. & Risse, T. (2019). Global contestations of the liberal order. Section abstract. Sixth Global International Studies Conference, Buenos Aires, 15–17 June.Google Scholar
Börzel, T. A. & Zürn, M. (2021). Contestations of the liberal international order: From liberal multilateralism to postnational liberalism. International Organization, 1-24. doi:10.1017/S0020818320000570CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Braun, M. (2020). Post-functionalism, identity and the Visegrad Group. Journal of Common Market Studies, 58(4), 925–40. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12994CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brown, K. L. (2010). Venezuela joins Mercosur: The impact felt around the Americas. Law and Business Review of the Americas, 16(1), 85–94.Google Scholar
Burges, S. W. (2007). Building a global southern coalition: The competing approaches of Brazil’s Lula and Venezuela’s Chávez. Third World Quarterly, 28(7), 1343–58.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Burrier, G. A. (2019). Populists and foreign policy: Evidence from Latin America. In Stengel, F. A., MacDonald, D. B., & Nabers, D., eds, Populism in World Politics. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 165–94.Google Scholar
Buzogány, A. (2017). Illiberal democracy in Hungary: Authoritarian diffusion or domestic causation? Democratization, 24(7), 1307–25. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2017.1328676CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cabada, L. (2018). The Visegrad cooperation in the context of other Central European cooperation formats. Politics in Central Europe, 14(2), 165–79. https://doi.org/10.2478/pce-2018-0014CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cabada, L. & Waisová, S. (2018). The Visegrad Group as an ambitious actor of (Central-European) foreign and security policy. Politics in Central Europe, 14(2), 9–20. https://doi.org/10.2478/pce-2018-0006CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Calayag, K. (2021). Duterte-Biden friendship seen to bloom. The Manila Times, 21 January. Retrieved from www.manilatimes.net/2021/01/21/news/top-stories/duterte-biden-friendship-seen-to-bloom/830129/Google Scholar
Calonzo, A. (2019). Xi, Duterte fail to reach agreement on South China Sea issues. Bloomberg, 30 August. Retrieved from www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-08-30/xi-duterte-agreed-to-disagree-no-deal-on-exploration-sea-rowGoogle Scholar
Canovan, M. (1999). Trust the people! Populism and the two faces of democracy. Political Studies, 47(1), 2–16. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00184CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Canovan, M. (2002). Taking politics to the people: Populism as the ideology of democracy. In Mény, Y. & Surel, Y., eds., Democracies and the Populist Challenge. London: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 25–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carranza, M. E. (2010). Mercosur, the global economic crisis and the new architecture of regionalism in Latin America. FLACSO Working Paper No. 125.Google Scholar
Chávez, H. (2005). Discurso: Clausura de la III Cumbre de los Pueblos de America. Cadena Nacional de Radio y Television, 4 November. Retrieved from www.nodal.am/2015/11/a-diez-anos-del-no-al-alca-discruso-completo-de-hugo-chavez-en-la-contra-cumbre/Google Scholar
Chávez, H. (2013). Mensaje. I Cumbre de la Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y Caribeños (CELAC), 28 January. Retrieved from www.ctmargentina.org/sitio-archivo/pdfs/CumbreCELACMensajeHugoChavez.pdf.Google Scholar
Chávez, H. & Castro, F. (2004). Declaración Conjunta Venezuela–Cuba. I Cumbre ALBA, La Habana. ALBA Portal, 14 December. Retrieved from http://albatcp.cubaminrex.cu/page/i-cumbre-la-habana-14-de-diciembre-2004.Google Scholar
Checkel, J. T. & Katzenstein, P. J. (2009). The Politicization of European Identities. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chodor, T. & McCarthy-Jones, A. (2013). Post-liberal regionalism in Latin America and the influence of Hugo Chávez. Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research, 19(2), 211–23. https://doi.org/10.1080/13260219.2013.853353CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chongkittavorn, K. (2016). ASEAN: Duterte’s China move. Reporting Asean, 16 November. Retrieved from https://www.reportingasean.net/asean-dutertes-china-move/Google Scholar
Christensen, S. F. (2007). The influence of nationalism in Mercosur and in South America – can the regional integration project survive? Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional, 50(1), 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/S0034-73292007000100008CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chryssogelos, A. (2010). Undermining the West from within: European populists, the US and Russia. European View, 9(2), 267–77. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12290-010-0135-1CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chryssogelos, A. (2014). Reaction and adaptation in the longue durée: The far-right, international politics and the state in historical perspective. In Saull, R., Anievas, A., Davidson, N., & Fabry, A., eds, The Longue Durée of the Far-Right: An International Historical Sociology. London: Routledge, pp. 85–105.Google Scholar
Chryssogelos, A. (2017). Populism in foreign policy. In Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.467Google Scholar
Colgan, J. & Keohane, R. (2017). The liberal order is rigged: Fix it now or watch it wither. Foreign Affairs, 96(3), 36–44.Google Scholar
Coman, R. & Leconte, C. (2019). Contesting EU authority in the name of European identity: The new clothes of the sovereignty discourse in Central Europe. Journal of European Integration, 41(7), 855–70. https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2019.1665660CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Copelovitch, M. & Pevehouse, J. (2019). International organizations in a new era of populist nationalism. Review of International Organizations, 14(2), 169–86. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-019-09353-1CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Csehi, R. (2019). Neither episodic, nor destined to failure? The endurance of Hungarian populism after 2010. Democratization, 26(6), 1011–27. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2019.1590814CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Curato, N. (2017). We need to talk about Rody. In Curato, N., ed., A Duterte Reader: Critical Essays on Rodrigo Duterte’s Early Presidency. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, pp. 1–38.Google Scholar
Cusack, A. K. (2019). Venezuela, ALBA, and the Limits of Postneoliberal Regionalism in Latin America and the Caribbean. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dabène, O. (2012). Consistency and resilience through cycles of repoliticization. In Riggirozzi, P. & Tussie, D., eds, The Rise of Post-Hegemonic Regionalism. Dordrecht: Springer, pp. 41–64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Daily News Hungary (2019). Prime Minister Viktor Orbán met Mart Helme, deputy prime minister and interior minister of Estonia, for talks in Budapest on Monday. 8 July. Retrieved from https://dailynewshungary.com/estonia-deputy-pm-helme-held-talks-in-budapest/Google Scholar
Davies, M. (2018). Ritual and Region: The Invention of ASEAN. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
De Castro, R. C. (2018). Explaining the Duterte administration’s appeasement policy on China: The power of fear. Asian Affairs: An American Review, 45(3–4), 165–91. https://doi.org/10.1080/00927678.2019.1589664Google Scholar
De Castro, R. C. (2019). China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Duterte administration’s appeasement policy: Examining the connection between the two national strategies. East Asia, 36, 205–27. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12140-019-09315-9CrossRefGoogle Scholar
De Cleen, B. (2017). Populism and nationalism. In Rovira Kaltwasser, C., Ochoa Espejo, P., & Ostiguy, P., eds, The Oxford Handbook of Populism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 342–362. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.18Google Scholar
De Cleen, B. & Stavrakakis, Y. (2017). Distinctions and articulations: A discourse theoretical framework for the study of populism and nationalism. Javnost – The Public, 24(4), 301–19. https://doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2017.1330083CrossRefGoogle Scholar
De Cleen, B., Moffitt, B., Panayotu, P., & Stavrakakis, Y. (2019). The potentials and difficulties of transnational populism: The case of the Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM25). Political Studies, 68(1), 146–66. https://doi.org/10.1177/0032321719847576Google Scholar
De la Fuente, E. (2011). ALBA: A political tool for Venezuela’s foreign policy. Western Hemisphere Security Analysis Center, 4. Retrieved from https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/whemsac/4Google Scholar
De Spiegeleire, S., Skinner, C., & Sweijs, T. (2017). The Rise of Populist Sovereignism: What It Is, Where It Comes From, and What It Means for International Security and Defense. The Hague: The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies.Google Scholar
Debre, M. J. & Morgenbesser, L. (2017). Out of the shadows: Autocratic regimes, election observation and legitimation. Contemporary Politics, 23(3), 328–47. https://doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2017.1304318CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dellmuth, L. M., Scholte, J. A., Tallberg, J., & Verhaegen, S. (2019). The elite–citizen gap in international organization legitimacy. Paper presented at the APSA Annual Meeting, Washington, DC, 28 August–1 September.Google Scholar
Destradi, S. & Plagemann, J. (2019). Populism and international relations: (Un)predictability, personalisation, and the reinforcement of existing trends in world politics. Review of International Studies, 45(5), 711–30. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0260210519000184CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Di Tella, T. S. (1965). Populismo y reforma en América Latina. Desarrollo Económico, 4(16), 391–425.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dodson, M. & Dorraj, M. (2008). Populism and foreign policy in Venezuela and Iran. Whitehead Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations, 9, 71–87.Google Scholar
Duterte, R. (2016a). Closing ceremony of the 28th and 29th ASEAN Summits (speech) 9/8/2016. Youtube, 8 September [Video]. Retrieved from www.youtube.com/watch?v=TwJBxbtZ6DsGoogle Scholar
Duterte, R. (2016b). Departure speech of President Rodrigo Roa Duterte (Sept 5, 2016). Official Gazette, 5 September. Retrieved from www.officialgazette.gov.ph/2016/09/05/departure-speech-of-president-rodrigo-roa-duterte-sept-5-2016/Google Scholar
Duterte, R. (2017a). Remarks of President Rodrigo Roa Duterte at the Opening Ceremony of the 30th ASEAN Summit, PICC, Manila. ASEAN, 29 April. Retrieved from https://asean.org/remarks-president-rodrigo-roa-duterte-opening-ceremony-30th-asean-summit-picc-manila-philippines-29-april-2017/Google Scholar
Duterte, R. (2017b). Speech of President Duterte during ASEAN 2017 opening ceremony. Business World, 13 November. Retrieved from www.bworldonline.com/full-transcript-speech-pres-duterte-asean-2017-opening-ceremony/Google Scholar
Duterte, R. (2017c). Rodrigo Roa Duterte, Second State of the Nation Address, July 24, 2017. Official Gazette, 24 July. Retrieved from www.officialgazette.gov.ph/2017/07/24/rodrigo-roa-duterte-second-state-of-the-nation-address-july-24-2017/Google Scholar
Duterte, R. (2018). Rodrigo Roa Duterte, Third State of the Nation Address, July 23, 2018. Official Gazette, 23 July. Retrieved from www.officialgazette.gov.ph/2018/07/23/rodrigo-roa-duterte-third-state-of-the-nation-address-july-23-2018/Google Scholar
Duterte, R. (2019a). Intervention of President Rodrigo Roa Duterte during the 34th ASEAN Summit, Bangkok. 22 June. Retrieved from https://pcoo.gov.ph/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/20190622-INTERVENTION-OF-PRESIDENT-RODRIGO-ROA-DUTERTE-DURING-THE-34TH-ASEAN-SUMMIT-PLENARY.pdfGoogle Scholar
Duterte, R. (2019b). Rodrigo Roa Duterte, Fourth State of the Nation Address. Official Gazette, 22 July. Retrieved from www.officialgazette.gov.ph/2019/07/22/rodrigo-roa-duterte-fourth-state-of-the-nation-address-july-22-2019/Google Scholar
East Asia Forum (2017). Manila’s pivot to pragmatism on the South China Sea. 14 August. Retrieved from www.eastasiaforum.org/2017/08/14/manilas-pivot-to-pragmatism-on-the-south-china-sea/Google Scholar
El 19 (2015). Chávez, el líder que más hizo por la integración de América Latina. 5 March. Retrieved from www.el19digital.com/articulos/ver/titulo:26805-chavez-el-lider-que-mas-hizo-por-la-integracion-de-america-latinaGoogle Scholar
Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), 51–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Enyedi, Z. (2016). Paternalist populism and illiberal elitism in Central Europe. Journal of Political Ideologies, 21(1), 9–25. https://doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2016.1105402CrossRefGoogle Scholar
ERIA (Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia) (2017). Empower the ASEAN peoples, President Duterte tells govts. 23 October. Retrieved from www.eria.org/database-and-programmes/empower-the-asean-peoples-president-duterte-tells-govts/Google Scholar
Europa Press (2011). Chávez expresa su deseo de que la CELAC sustituya ‘en los próximos años’ a la OEA. Notimérica, 2 December. Retrieved from www.notimerica.com/politica/noticia-celac-chavez-expresa-deseo-celac-sustituya-proximos-anos-oea-20111202041336.htmlGoogle Scholar
Franco, F. (2012). Nosso problema nao e a Venezuela, mas Chavez dentro do Mercosul. Interview. Estadão, 5 August. Retrieved from https://internacional.estadao.com.br/noticias/geral,nosso-problema-nao-e-a-venezuela-mas-chavez-dentro-do-mercosul-imp-,911400Google Scholar
Fougère, M. & Barthold, C. (2020). Onwards to the new political frontier: Macron’s electoral populism. Organization, 27(3), 419–30. https://doi.org/10.1177/1350508420910567CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Galston, W. (2018). The populist challenge to liberal democracy. Journal of Democracy, 29(2), 5–19. https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2018.0020CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Garcia, N. A. (2012). 21st century regionalism in South America: UNASUR and the search for development alternatives. eSharp 18, 64–85.Google Scholar
Gardini, G. L. (2011). MERCOSUR: What you see is not (always) what you get. European Law Journal, 17(5), 683–700. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0386.2011.00573.xCrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gardner, S. (2009). Chavez rhetoric stokes Honduras crisis before talks. Reuters, 17 July. Retrieved from www.reuters.com/article/idINIndia-41133020090717Google Scholar
Gita, R. A. (2016). Duterte confirms showing photo of killed Moros before Asean delegates. Sun Star Philippines, 9 September. Retrieved from www.sunstar.com.ph/article/97202Google Scholar
Goffman, E. (1974). Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of Experience. Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press.Google Scholar
Gotkowska, J. (2017). The CSDP’s renaissance: Challenges and opportunities for the eastern flank. OSW Commentary No. 243, 28 October. Retrieved from www.osw.waw.pl/sites/default/files/commentary_243.pdfGoogle Scholar
Gouvea, R. & Montoya, M. (2014). Mercosur after Chavez. Thunderbird International Business Review, 56(6),563–75. https://doi-org.ezproxy.ub.gu.se/10.1002/tie.21650CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Guevara, A. (2005). Chávez, Venezuela and the New Latin America: An Interview with Hugo Chávez. Melbourne: Ocean Press.Google Scholar
Gürcan, E. C. (2019). Multipolarization, South–South Cooperation, and the Rise of Post-Hegemonic Governance. London & New York: Routledge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gurzu, A., De la Baume, M., Bayer, L., & Paun, C. (2019). Ursula von der Leyen’s rejection headache: Romanian and Hungarian nominees fall foul of Parliament committee. Politico, 29 September. Retrieved from www.politico.eu/article/rovana-plumb-laszlo-trocsanyi-meps-reject-romania-hungary-nominees-for-european-commission/Google Scholar
Hadiz, V. R. & Chryssogelos, A. (2017). Populism in world politics: A comparative cross-regional perspective. International Political Science Review, 38(4), 399–411. https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512117693908CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hafner-Burton, E. M., Mansfield, E. D., & Pevehouse, J. (2015). Human rights institutions, sovereignty costs and democratization. British Journal of Political Science, 45(1), 1–27. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123413000240CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Halikiopoulou, D., Nanou, K., & Vasilopoulou, S. (2012). The paradox of nationalism: The common denominator of radical right and radical left Euroscepticism. European Journal of Political Research, 51(4), 504–39. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2011.02050.xCrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hameleers, M., Bos, L., & De Vreese, C. (2018). Framing blame: Towards a better understanding of the effects of populist communication on populist party preferences. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, 28(3), 380–98. https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2017.1407326CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hawkins, K. A. (2016). Responding to radical populism: Chavismo in Venezuela. Democratization, 23(2), 242–62. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2015.1058783CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Herrmann, R. K., Risse, T., & Brewer, M. B. (2004). Transnational Identities: Becoming European in the EU. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.Google Scholar
Heydarian, R. J. (2017). Tragedy of small power politics: Duterte and the shifting sands of Philippine foreign policy. Asian Security, 13(3), 220–36. https://doi.org/10.1080/14799855.2017.1354569CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Heydarian, R. J. (2018). The Rise of Duterte: A Populist Revolt Against Elite Democracy. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Higgott, R. & Proud, V. (2017). Populist-Nationalism and Foreign Policy: Cultural Diplomacy, International Interaction and Resilience. Stuttgart: IFA (Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen).Google Scholar
Hokovský, R. (2017). The role of Visegrad Group in the EU: The view from the inside. In Tungul, L., ed., The Czech Centre-Right Solutions to the Political Challenges of 2018. Prague: Wilfried Mertens Centre for European Studies & TOPAZ, pp. 51–5.Google Scholar
Holliday, S. J. (2019). Populism, the international and methodological nationalism: Global order and the Iran–Israel nexus. Political Studies, 68(1), 3–19. https://doi.org/10.1177/0032321718817476CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hooghe, L., Lenz, T., & Marks, G. (2019). Contested world order: The delegitimation of international governance. Review of International Organizations, 14(4), 731–43. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-018-9334-3CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hooghe, L. & Marks, G. (2009). A postfunctionalist theory of European integration: From permissive consensus to constraining dissensus. British Journal of Political Science, 39(1), 1–23. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123408000409CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Huang, E. & Steger, I. (2016). ‘I am Chinese’: Rodrigo Duterte explained the Philippines’ shift in the South China Sea to China’s CCTV. Quartz, 19 October. Retrieved from https://qz.com/813171/i-am-chinese-president-rodrigo-duterte-explained-the-philippines-shift-in-the-south-china-sea-to-chinas-cctv/Google Scholar
Hungary Journal (2018). Orban: Europe is the home of nations. 23 October. Retrieved from https://thehungaryjournal.com/2018/10/23/orban-europe-is-the-home-of-nations/Google Scholar
Hungary Today (2018). Orbán: Government serves nation ‘but our place is in Europe’. 18 May. Retrieved from https://hungarytoday.hu/orban-government-serves-nation-but-our-place-is-in-europe/Google Scholar
Huong, L. T. (2018). China’s dual strategy of coercion and inducement towards ASEAN. The Pacific Review, 32(1), 20–36. https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2017.1417325Google Scholar
Ikenberry, G. J. (2011). Liberal Leviathan: The Origins, Crisis, and Transformation of the American World Order. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ikenberry, G. J. (2018a). The end of the liberal international order? International Affairs, 94(1), 7–23. https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iix241CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ikenberry, G. J. (2018b). Why the liberal world order will survive. Ethics & International Affairs, 32(1), 17–29. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0892679418000072CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ileto, R. C. (1993). The ‘Unfinished Revolution’ in Philippine political discourse. Southeast Asian Studies, 31(1), 62–82.Google Scholar
Inotai, E. (2019). What Orbán wants: Inside Hungary’s EU strategy. Reporting Democracy, 20 May. Retrieved from https://balkaninsight.com/2019/05/20/what-orban-wants-inside-hungarys-eu-strategy/Google Scholar
Jácome, F. (2012). Alcances y desafíos del liderazgo venezolano en América Latin. In Altmann Borbón, J., ed., América Latina: Caminos de la integración regional. San José: FLASCO, pp. 71–88.Google Scholar
Jenne, E., & Mudde, C. (2012). Hungary’s illiberal turn: Can outsiders help? Journal of Democracy, 23(3), 147–55. https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2012.0057CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Jennings, R. (2017). Duterte to ASEAN leaders: Be ‘resolute in realizing a drug-free ASEAN’. VOA News, 29 April. Retrieved from www.voanews.com/east-asia-pacific/duterte-asean-leaders-be-resolute-realizing-drug-free-aseanGoogle Scholar
Johnston, A. I. (2008). Social States: China in International Institutions, 1980–2000. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Jozwiak, V. (2016). The Visegrad Group from Hungary’s perspective. PISM Bulletin No. 86. Retrieved from www.ceeol.com/search/gray-literature-detail?id=591125Google Scholar
Jozwiak, V. (2017). Hungarian presidency of the Visegrad Group. PISM Bulletin No. 77. Retrieved from www.ceeol.com/search/gray-literature-detail?id=578662Google Scholar
Juego, B. (2017). The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led authoritarian populism and its liberal-democratic roots. Asia Maior, 28, 129–63.Google Scholar
Jupille, J., Jolliff, B., & Wojcik, S. (2013). Regionalism in the world polity. Paper prepared for the Annual Convention of the International Studies Association, San Francisco, CA, 3–6 April. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2242500CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kagan, R. (2017). The twilight of the liberal world order. In O’Hanlon, M. E., ed., Brookings Big Ideas for America. Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, pp. 267–74.Google Scholar
Katigbak, J. J. P. (2017). RCEP and the future of Asian free trade agreements: A Philippine perspective. CIRSS Commentaries, 4(2), 1–3.Google Scholar
Kenny, P. (2018). Populism in Southeast Asia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kent, A. (2002). China’s international socialization: The role of international organizations. Global Governance, 8(3), 343–64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kneuer, M., Demmelhuber, T., Peresson, R., & Zumbrägel, T. (2019). Playing the regional card: Why and how authoritarian gravity centres exploit regional organisations. Third World Quarterly, 40(3), 451–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kořan, M. (2012). The Visegrad Group on the threshold of its third decade: A Central European hub? In Šabič, Z. & Drulák, P., eds, Regional and International Relations of Central Europe. London: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 201–18.Google Scholar
Kovács, Z. (2019). PM Orbán: We can only support EU leaders who respect Central Europe. About Hungary, 14 June. Retrieved from http://abouthungary.hu/blog/pm-orban-we-can-only-support-eu-leaders-who-respect-central-europe/Google Scholar
Krekó, P. & Enyedi, Z. (2018). Explaining Eastern Europe: Orbán’s laboratory of illiberalism. Journal of Democracy, 29(3), 39–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kreuder-Sonnen, C. (2018) An authoritarian turn in Europe and European studies? Journal of European Public Policy, 25(3), 452–64. https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2017.1411383CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kreuder-Sonnen, C. & Rittberger, B. (2020). The LIO’s share: How the liberal international order contributes to its own legitimacy crisis. CES Open Forum Series 39. Retrieved from https://ces.fas.harvard.edu/uploads/files/Open-Forum-Papers/Working-Paper-Kreuder-Sonnen-April-2020-FINAL.pdfGoogle Scholar
Kupchan, C. A. (2012). No One’s World: The West, the Rising Rest, and the Coming Global Turn. Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kurlantzick, J. (2018). Southeast Asia’s populism is different but also dangerous. Council on Foreign Relations, 1 November. Retrieved from www.cfr.org/in-brief/southeast-asias-populism-different-also-dangerousGoogle Scholar
Lacorte, R. (2016). Duterte to Obama: Don’t lecture me on rights, PH not a US colony. Philippine Daily Inquirer, 5 September. Retrieved from https://globalnation.inquirer.net/143883/duterte-to-obama-dont-lecture-me-on-rights-ph-not-a-us-colonyGoogle Scholar
Laclau, E. (2005). On Populist Reason. London: Verso.Google Scholar
Laclau, E. & Mouffe, C. (2001). Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics. London: Verso.Google Scholar
Layne, C. (2012). This time it’s real: The end of unipolarity and the Pax Americana. International Studies Quarterly, 56(1), 203–13. https://doi.org/10.2307/41409832CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Legler, T. (2010a). El perfil del multilateralismo latinoamericano. Foreign Affairs Latinoamérica, 10(3), 2–5.Google Scholar
Legler, T. (2010b). Gobernanza regional: El vínculo multilateral. Foreign Affairs Latinoamérica, 10(3), 18–23.Google Scholar
Legler, T. (2013). Post-hegemonic regionalism and sovereignty in Latin America: Optimists, skeptics, and an emerging research agenda. Contexto Internacional, 35(2), 325–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lenz, T. (2018). Frame diffusion and institutional choice in regional economic cooperation. International Theory, 10(1), 31–70. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1752971917000136CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Li, X. (2012). Understanding China’s behavioral change in the WTO dispute settlement system. Asian Survey, 52(6), 1111–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Looney, R. E. (2018). Handbook of International Trade Agreements: Country, Regional and Global Approaches. London: Routledge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Magcamit, M. I. (2018). The Duterte Doctrine: A neoclassical realist guide to understanding Rodrigo Duterte’s foreign policy and strategic behavior in the Asia-Pacific. APPFI Working Paper 2018-01.Google Scholar
Mair, P. (2009). Representative versus responsible government. Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies Working Paper 2009/08.Google Scholar
Malamud, C. (2006). Venezuela’s withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations and the consequences for regional integration (Part I). Area: Latin America, 54, 1–7.Google Scholar
Manalo, E. A. (2017). The Philippines’ chairmanship of ASEAN in 2017. FSI Insights, 4(1). Retrieved from www.fsi.gov.ph/the-philippines-chairmanship-of-asean-in-2017/Google Scholar
Mearsheimer, J. (2001). The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. New York: W. W. Norton & Co.Google Scholar
Meny, Y. & Surel, Y. (2002). Democracies and the Populist Challenge. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Miller-Idriss, C. (2019). The global dimensions of populist nationalism. The International Spectator, 54(2), 17–34. https://doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2019.1592870CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Miniszterelnok.hu (2019). Hungary belongs to Europe. We are Europe. Website of the Hungarian Government, 7 March. Retrieved from http://www.miniszterelnok.hu/hungary-belongs-to-europe-we-are-europe/Google Scholar
Moffitt, B. (2016). The Global Rise of Populism: Performance, Political Style, and Representation. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
Moffitt, B. (2017). Transnational populism? Representative claims, media and the difficulty of constructing a transnational ‘people’. Javnost – The Public, 24(4), 409–25. https://doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2017.1330086CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Moravcsik, A. (1997). Taking preferences seriously: A liberal theory of international politics. International Organization, 51(4), 513–53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Moravcsik, A. (1998). The Choice for Europe: Social Purpose and State Power from Messina to Maastricht. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.Google Scholar
Mos, M. (2020). Ambiguity and interpretive politics in the crisis of European values: Evidence from Hungary. East European Politics, 36(2), 267–87. https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2020.1724965CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mothiane, M. (2016). Sustaining regional integration in South America: The case of Mercosur. Economic Policy Forum, Paper 5. Retrieved from https://economic-policy-forum.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/Sustaining-Regional-Integration.pdfGoogle Scholar
Mudde, C. (2004). The populist zeitgeist. Government and Opposition, 39(4), 541–63. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2004.00135.xCrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mudde, C. & Rovira Kaltwasser, C. (2011). Voices of the peoples: Populism in Europe and Latin America compared. Kellogg Institute Working Paper No. 378. https://kellogg.nd.edu/sites/default/files/old_files/documents/378_0.pdfGoogle Scholar
Mudde, C., & Rovira Kaltwasser, C. (2013). Exclusionary vs. inclusionary populism: Comparing contemporary Europe and Latin America. Government and Opposition, 48(2), 147–74. https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2012.11CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mudde, C., & Rovira Kaltwasser, C. (2017). Populism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Müller, J. W. (2016). What Is Populism? Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Němec, J. (2007). Prospects for Mercosur after Chávez joining in: Populist threat to the integration bloc? In Němec, J., ed., Global and Regional Governance: Europe and Beyond. Prague: University of Economics, pp. 79–88.Google Scholar
Nič, M. (2016). The Visegrád Group in the EU: 2016 as a turning-point? European View, 15(2), 281–90. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12290-016-0422-6CrossRefGoogle Scholar
NTN24 (2012). Hugo Chávez se pronuncia tras el ingreso de su país al grupo Mercosur. Youtube [Video]. Retrieved from www.youtube.com/watch?v=OBGLkWmZBQgGoogle Scholar
Obydenkova, A. V. & Libman, A. (2019). Authoritarian Regionalism in the World of International Organizations: Global Perspective and the Eurasian Enigma. Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Orbán, V. (2012). Speech at the plenary session of the European Parliament. Website of the Hungarian Government, 18 January. Retrieved from https://2010-2014.kormany.hu/en/prime-minister-s-office/the-prime-ministers-speeches/speech-at-the-plenary-session-of-the-european-parliamentGoogle Scholar
Orbán, V. (2013). Prime Minister Orbán’s closing speech in the European Parliament. Website of the Hungarian Government, 2 July. Retrieved from https://2010-2014.kormany.hu/en/prime-minister-s-office/the-prime-ministers-speeches/prime-minister-orban-s-closing-speech-in-the-european-parliamentGoogle Scholar
Orbán, V. (2014). Full text of Viktor Orbán’s speech at Băile Tuşnad (Tusnádfürdő) of 26 July 2014. The Budapest Beacon, 29 July. Retrieved from https://budapestbeacon.com/full-text-of-viktor-orbans-speech-at-baile-tusnad-tusnadfurdo-of-26-july-2014/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2015). Viktor Orbán’s speech at the 14th Kötcse civil picnic. Miniszterelnok.hu, 5 September. Retrieved from http://2010-2015.miniszterelnok.hu/in_english_article/viktor_orban_s_speech_at_the_14th_kotcse_civil_picnicGoogle Scholar
Orban, V. (2016a). Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s press statement following the meeting of the Visegrad Group, Prague. Miniszterelnok.hu, 15 February. Retrieved from http://2010-2015.miniszterelnok.hu/in_english_article/prime_minister_viktor_orban_s_press_statement_following_the_meeting_of_the_visegrad_groupGoogle Scholar
Orbán, V. (2016b). Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s State of the Nation Address. Miniszterelnok.hu, 28 February. Retrieved from http://www.miniszterelnok.hu/prime-minister-viktor-orbans-state-of-the-nation-address/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2017a). Viktor Orbán’s reply in the European Parliament. Miniszterelnok.hu, 26 April. Retrieved from http://www.miniszterelnok.hu/viktor-orbans-reply-in-the-european-parliament/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2017b). Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s speech in the European Parliament. About Hungary, 26 April. Retrieved from http://abouthungary.hu/prime-minister/prime-minister-viktor-orbans-speech-in-the-european-parliament/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2017c). Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s ‘State of the Nation’ Address. About Hungary, 10 February. Retrieved from http://abouthungary.hu/speeches-and-remarks/prime-minister-viktor-orbans-state-of-the-nation-address-full-text-in-english/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2017d). Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s speech marking the transfer of the Visegrád Four presidency. About Hungary, 19 June. Retrieved from http://abouthungary.hu/speeches-and-remarks/prime-minister-viktor-orbans-speech-marking-the-transfer-of-the-visegrad-four-presidency/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2017e). Viktor Orbán’s speech at the 28th Bálványos Summer Open University and Student Camp. About Hungary, 22 July. Retrieved from http://abouthungary.hu/speeches-and-remarks/viktor-orbans-speech-at-the-28th-balvanyos-summer-open-university-and-student-camp/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2017f). Hungary and the crisis of Europe. Hungarian Review, 8(1). Retrieved from http://hungarianreview.com/article/20170124_hungary_and_the_crisis_of_europeGoogle Scholar
Orbán, V. (2018a). Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s address after swearing the prime-ministerial oath of office. Visegrad Post, 10 May. Retrieved from https://visegradpost.com/en/2018/05/12/viktor-orbans-full-speech-for-the-beginning-of-his-fourth-mandate/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2018b). Viktor Orbán’s speech at the Visegrád Group conference ‘The Future of Europe’. Miniszterelnok.hu, 26 January. Retrieved from www.miniszterelnok.hu/viktor-orbans-speech-at-the-visegrad-group-conference-the-future-of-europe/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2018c). Debate on the situation in Hungary: Statement by Viktor Orbán, Hungarian prime minister. European Parliament Multimedia Centre, 11 September [Video]. Retrieved from https://multimedia.europarl.europa.eu/en/debate-on-the-situation-in-hungary-statement-by-viktor-orbn-hungarian-prime-minister-1531_I160027-V_vGoogle Scholar
Orbán, V. (2018d). Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s speech on the 62nd anniversary of the 1956 Revolution and Freedom Fight. Visegrad Post, 23 October. Retrieved from https://visegradpost.com/en/2018/10/24/viktor-orban-confronts-globalism-and-brussels-in-view-of-upcoming-european-parliament-elections-full-speech/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2019a). Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s speech at the 12th Congress of the Federation of Christian Intellectuals (KÉSZ). About Hungary, 14 September. Retrieved from http://abouthungary.hu/speeches-and-remarks/prime-minister-viktor-orbans-speech-at-the-12th-congress-of-the-federation-of-christian-intellectuals-kesz/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2019b). Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s ‘State of the Nation’ Address. Visegrad Post, 10 February. Retrieved from https://visegradpost.com/en/2019/02/11/prime-minister-viktor-orbans-state-of-the-nation-address-full-speech/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2019c). Interview given by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán to Hungarian Television after special meetings of the European Council. Miniszterelnok.hu, 2 July. Retrieved from www.miniszterelnok.hu/interview-given-by-prime-minister-viktor-orban-to-hungarian-television-after-special-meetings-of-the-european-council/Google Scholar
Orban, V. (2019d). Speeches of the Hungarian and Polish prime ministers on the occasion of the Hungarian holiday of March 15. Website of the Hungarian Government, 15 March. Retrieved from https://2015-2019.kormany.hu/en/the-prime-minister/the-prime-minister-s-speeches/orban-viktor-s-ceremonial-speech-on-the-171st-anniversary-of-the-hungarian-revolution-and-freedom-fight-of-1848-49Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2019e). Prime Minister Viktor Orbán on the Kossuth Radio programme ‘Good Morning Hungary’. About Hungary, 14 June. Retrieved from http://abouthungary.hu/speeches-and-remarks/prime-minister-viktor-orban-on-the-kossuth-radio-programme-good-morning-hungary/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2019f). Prime Minister Viktor Orbán on the Kossuth Radio programme ‘Good Morning Hungary’. Miniszterelnok.hu, 25 October. Retrieved from www.miniszterelnok.hu/prime-minister-viktor-orban-on-the-kossuth-radio-programme-good-morning-hungary-5/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2019g). Viktor Orbáns Interview in der Sendung ‘Guten Morgen Ungarn’ von Radio Kossuth. Miniszterelnok.hu, 8 November. Retrieved from http://www.miniszterelnok.hu/viktor-orbans-interview-in-der-sendung-guten-morgen-ungarn-von-radio-kossuth-14/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2019h). Exclusive interview with Prime Minister Viktor Orbán for Hungarian Television. Miniszterelnok.hu, 1 August. Retrieved from www.miniszterelnok.hu/exclusive-interview-with-prime-minister-viktor-orban-for-hungarian-television/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2019i). Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s press statement at the summit of heads of government from the Visegrád Four and Western Balkan countries. Miniszterelnok.hu, 12 September. Retrieved from www.miniszterelnok.hu/prime-minister-viktor-orbans-press-statement-at-the-summit-of-heads-of-government-from-the-visegrad-four-and-western-balkan-countries/Google Scholar
Orbán, V. (2019j). Viktor Orbán’s press statement following a meeting of the European Council. Website of the Hungarian Government, 21 June. Retrieved from https://2015-2019.kormany.hu/en/the-prime-minister/the-prime-minister-s-speeches/viktor-orban-s-press-statement-following-a-meeting-of-the-european-councilGoogle Scholar
Orbán, V. (2020). Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s ‘State of the Nation’ Address. About Hungary, 16 February. Retrieved from http://abouthungary.hu/speeches-and-remarks/prime-minister-viktor-orbans-state-of-the-nation-address-2/Google Scholar
Orellana, P. D. & Michelsen, N. (2019). Reactionary internationalism: The philosophy of the New Right. Review of International Studies, 45(5), 748–67. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0260210519000159CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Palanca, E. & Ong, A. (2018). Philippines–China relations: Interplay between domestic politics and globalization. In Santasombat, Y., ed., The Sociology of Chinese Capitalism in Southeast Asia: Challenges and Prospects. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 93–122. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0065-3_5Google Scholar
Paterno, E. I. (2016). Duterte pushes for ‘drug-free ASEAN’. Rappler, 8 September. Retrieved from www.rappler.com/nation/145613-duterte-pushes-drug-free-aseanGoogle Scholar
Peterson, W. & Maiquez, R. R. (2020). ‘Yesterday’s dreams, tomorrow’s promise’: Performing a pan-ASEAN archipelagic identity at age 50. In Tan, M. C. C. & Rajendran, C., eds, Performing Southeast Asia: Performance, Politics and the Contemporary. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 35–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Plattner, F. M. (2019). Illiberal democracy and the struggle on the right. Journal of Democracy, 30(1), 5–19. https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2019.0000CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Prime Minister’s Office (2016). Prime Minister Viktor Orbán receives Person of the Year award. Miniszterelnok.hu, 7 September. Retrieved from http://www.miniszterelnok.hu/prime-minister-viktor-orban-receives-person-of-the-year-award/Google Scholar
Puzyniak, A. (2018). Hungarian foreign policy after 2010: Selected problems. Facta Simonidis, 11(1), 231–42. Retrieved from www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=660748CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Quiliconi, C. & Salgado Espinoza, R. (2017). Latin American integration: Regionalism à la carte in a multipolar world? Colombia Internacional, 92, 15–41. https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint92.2017.01CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ranada, P. (2017). Duterte threatens to slap UN rapporteur if she probes drug war. Rappler, 9 November. Retrieved from www.rappler.com/nation/187899-duterte-threat-slap-un-rapporteur-callamardGoogle Scholar
Rappler (2016). Obama scraps meeting with Duterte. 6 September. Retrieved from www.rappler.com/world/regions/asia-pacific/145322-obama-cancels-meeting-duterteGoogle Scholar
Riggirozzi, P. (2012). Region, regionness and regionalism in Latin America: Towards a new synthesis. New Political Economy, 17(4), 421–43. https://doi.org/10.1080/13563467.2011.603827CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Riggirozzi, P. & Tussie, D., eds. (2012). The Rise of Post-Hegemonic Regionalism: The Case of Latin America. Dordecht: Springer.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Risse, T. (2016). The diffusion of regionalism. In Börzel, T. A. & Risse, T., eds, The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Regionalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 87-107.Google Scholar
Romero, C. & Mijares, V. (2016). From Chávez to Maduro: Continuity and change in Venezuelan foreign policy. Contexto internacional, 38(1), 165–201. https://doi.org/10.1590/S0102-8529.2016380100005CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ross, E. (2017). U.S. and the Philippines: President Rodrigo Duterte’s most insulting quotes about America. Newsweek, 30 June. Retrieved from www.newsweek.com/philippines-president-rodrigo-duterte-one-year-quotes-630011Google Scholar
Roughneen, S. & Smith, N. (2018). Duterte goes to war with UN as he threatens to throw rights team to the crocodiles. The Telegraph, 12 March. Retrieved from www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2018/03/12/duterte-goes-war-un-threatens-throw-rights-team-crocodiles/Google Scholar
Ruiz, J. B. (2006). El MERCOSUR y el ALBA en la estrategia de integración de Venezuela. Cuadernos Latinoamericanos, 17(30), 97–119.Google Scholar
Ruiz, J. B. (2012). El Alba: Un nuevo eje de la integración regional. In Borbón, J. A., ed., América Latina: Caminos de la integración regional. San José: FLASCO, pp. 89–104.Google Scholar
Ruiz-Dana, A., Goldschagg, P., Claro, E., & Blanco, H. (2007). Regional integration, trade and conflict in Latin America. Winnipeg: International Institute for Sustainable Development. Retrieved from www.iisd.org/pdf/2007/tas_rta_latin_america.pdfGoogle Scholar
Russo, A. & Stoddard, E. (2018). Why do authoritarian leaders do regionalism? Ontological security and Eurasian regional cooperation. The International Spectator, 53(3), 20–37. https://doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2018.1488404CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schaller, S. & Carius, A. (2019). Convenient Truths: Mapping Climate Agendas of Right-Wing Populist Parties in Europe. Berlin: Adelphi.Google Scholar
Serbin, A. & Pont, A. S. (2017). The foreign policy of the Bolivarian republic of Venezuela: The role and legacy of Hugo Chávez. Latin American Policy, 8(2), 232–48. https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12122CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sevilla, H. A., Jr. (2018). The Philippines’ foreign policy direction: An assessment of the first year of President Duterte. Journal of South Asian Studies, 6(3), 165–73. https://doi.org/10.33687/jsas.006.03.2558CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Slaughter, A. M. (2017). The return of anarchy? Journal of International Affairs, 15 March. Retrieved from https://jia.sipa.columbia.edu/return-anarchyGoogle Scholar
Söderbaum, F. (2016). Rethinking Regionalism. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stengel, F. (2019). Forget populism! Global Discourse, 9(2), 445–51. https://doi.org/10.1332/204378919X15628418445603CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stengel, F., MacDonald, D. B., & Nabers, D. (eds.) (2019). Populism and World Politics. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stuenkel, O. (2016). Post-Western World: How Emerging Powers Are Remaking Global Order. Cambridge: Polity Press.Google Scholar
Sutherland, C. (2005). Another nation-building bloc? Integrating nationalist ideology into the EU and ASEAN. Asia Europe Journal, 3, 141–57. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10308-005-0141-0CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sylvia, R. D. & Danopoulos, C. P. (2003). The Chávez phenomenon: Political change in Venezuela. Third World Quarterly, 24(1), 63–76. https://doi.org/10.1080/713701367CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Szijjártó, P. (2018). Hungary’s goal and interest is a strong and successful Europe. Website of the Hungary News, 3 June. Retrieved from http://hungarynews.hu/2018/06/03/hungarys-goal-and-interest-is-a-strong-and-successful-europe/Google Scholar
Taggart, P. (2000). Populism. Buckingham: Open University Press.Google Scholar
Taggart, P. (2004). Populism and representative politics in contemporary Europe. Journal of Political Ideologies, 9(3), 269–88. https://doi.org/10.1080/1356931042000263528CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tallberg, J. & Zürn, M. (2019). The legitimacy and legitimation of international organizations: Introduction and framework. The Review of International Organizations, 14(4), 581–606. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-018-9330-7CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tay, S. S. C. (2017). Imperatives for a new ASEAN leadership: Integration, community, and balance. In Baviera, A. & Maramis, L., eds, Building ASEAN Community: Political-Security and Socio-Cultural Reflections. Jakarta: Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA), pp. 48–66.Google Scholar
Teehankee, J. C. (2016). Duterte’s resurgent nationalism in the Philippines: A discursive institutionalist analysis. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 35(3), 69–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Telesur (2012). Hugo Chávez: Para nosotros el ALBA es la Patria. Youtube, 6 February [Video]. Retrieved from www.youtube.com/watch?v=KJOB0w33bm0Google Scholar
Törő, C., Butler, E., & Gruber, K. (2014). Visegrád: The evolving pattern of coordination and partnership after EU enlargement. Europe–Asia Studies, 66(3), 364–93. https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2013.855392CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tulmets, E. (2014). East Central European Foreign Policy Identity in Perspective: Back to Europe and the EU’s Neighbourhood. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Verbeek, B. & Zaslove, A. (2017). Populism and foreign policy. In Rovira Kaltwasser, C., Ochoa Espejo, P., & Ostiguy, P., eds, The Oxford Handbook of Populism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 384–405.Google Scholar
Verbeek, B., & Zaslove, A. (2019). Contested issues surrounding populism in public and academic debates. The International Spectator, 54(2), 1–16. https://doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2019.1606513CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wajner, D. F. (2019). Making (Latin) America great again: Lessons from populist foreign policies in the Americas. In Stengel, F. A., MacDonald, D. B., & Nabers, D., eds, Populism and World Politics. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 195–225.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wajner, D. F. & Roniger, L. (2019). Transnational identity politics in the Americas: Reshaping ‘Nuestramérica’ as Chavismo’s regional legitimation strategy. Latin American Research Review, 54(2), 458–75. https://doi.org/10.25222/larr.43CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Weyland, K. (2001). Populism: Clarifying a contested concept. Comparative Politics, 34(1), 1–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Weyland, K. (2017). Populism: A political-strategic approach. In Rovira Kaltwasser, C., Ochoa Espejo, P., & Ostiguy, P., eds, The Oxford Handbook of Populism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 48–71.Google Scholar
Zakaria, F. (2016). Populism on the march: Why the West is in trouble. Foreign Affairs, November/December. Retrieved from www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2016-10-17/populism-marchGoogle Scholar
Zeeman, J. (2019). Populism beyond the nation. In Stengel, F. A., MacDonald, D. B., & Nabers, D., eds, Populism and World Politics. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 25–53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zgut, E. & Csehi, R. (2019). Orbán’s peacock dance. Aspen Review, 77–82. Retrieved from www.aspen.review/article/2019/orbans-peacock-dance/Google Scholar
Zürn, M. (2004). Global governance and legitimacy problems. Government and Opposition, 39(2), 260–87. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2004.00123.xCrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zürn, M. (2018). A Theory of Global Governance: Authority, Legitimation and Contestation. Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Save element to Kindle

To save this element to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.

Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

Contestations of the Liberal International Order
Available formats
×

Save element to Dropbox

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.

Contestations of the Liberal International Order
Available formats
×

Save element to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

Contestations of the Liberal International Order
Available formats
×